Clashes took place in the city of Muzaffarabad in Pakistan occupied Kashmir recently, leaving at least 10 people dead, and hundreds injured. The unrest began as a peaceful protest by locals, before they were met with violence. These were the third major protests in PoK in a little over two years.
The protests were organised by a group called the Jammu Kashmir Joint Awami Action Committee, often abbreviated as the JAAC. They released a 38-point charter or demands, which included better healthcare, universal education, and an end to perks for government officials. Perks like government lodging, free electricity, and two government supplied vehicles, with drivers and unlimited free fuel.
But the most controversial demand was an end to 12 reserved seats in the local assembly for refugees from India administered Kashmir. This demand has its roots in the unique governance situation of PoK.
PoK without the region of Gilgit-Baltistan, is called “Azad Jammu and Kashmir” by Pakistan. It is officially independent; thus, the locals call it “Azad”. It has its own flag, its own Supreme Court, a legislative assembly, a President and a Prime Minister; not a Chief Minister like other Pakistani provinces.
However, Islamabad ultimately controls the region’s foreign policy, defence and currency. And local governance, while officially autonomous, is overseen by two bodies. Pakistan’s Ministry of Kashmir Affairs, and the Azad Jammu and Kashmir Council, which is chaired by Pakistan’s Prime Minister. So, for all practical intents and purposes, PoK has some autonomy, but not independence. Islamabad is still the one calling the shots. And that has been one of the key reasons for all the protests that have been springing up there.
In 2022, Pakistan had an economic implosion. Debt was high, foreign reserves were low, floods had devastated the country. Pakistan's currency and overall economy were in free fall. Islamabad needed a bailout from the International Monetary Fund. To get that bailout, the country had to shore up its finances. Among other things, it was forced to remove subsidies on wheat, flour and electricity.
Over the next few years, this had a devastating impact on ordinary people. The removal of subsidies meant that inflation went through the roof. In May 2023, inflation hit a whopping 38%. Everyone was feeling the pinch, including the residents of PoK.
That’s when the first round of protests began. The demands included a return of the wheat and flour subsidy, and a reasonable rate for electricity. PoK produces a surplus of hydro-electric power thanks to the Mangla Dam. It then exports this electricity to Pakistan. So, PoK locals thought that they deserved to be charged a nominal rate for their own electricity.
What started as demonstrations by local trader bodies expanded into something bigger. The JAAC was formed, and the committee brought all the protesting factions across PoK together. The JAAC placed their demands before the Pakistani and PoK governments. The group also organised a long march to Muzaffarabad last year to pile on the pressure. They were met with violence. Four deaths and hundreds of injuries later, the Pakistani government agreed to the JAAC’s terms, ending the protest last year.
But one year on, the demonstrators returned; this time with their new 38-point charter, and the demand for the end of the 12 refugee seats. PoK’s legislative assembly, not including Gilgit-Baltistan, has 53 seats. 5 of these seats are reserved for women, one for a member of the ulama, one for a technocrat, and one for a PoK national residing abroad. With those 8 seats out of the picture, that leaves 45. Out of the 45 seats, 12 are reserved for refugees from Indian Kashmir.
Pakistan has received multiple waves of refugees from Indian Kashmir over the decades. Many were settled all over mainland Pakistan, where their descendants continue to live. These refugees and their descendants have the privilege of electing 12 legislators in PoK, even though they don’t live in the territory. This is considered symbolic, because Kashmir is disputed territory, and their participation signals hope for Kashmir’s eventual reunification. But Kashmir locals say this system is easy to misuse.
Since the refugee voters are scattered throughout Pakistan, it is difficult for local PoK parties and candidates to reach them. Thus, the seats are dominated by Pakistani mainland parties, who allegedly choose the candidates through a patronage network. Once elected, the refugee candidates siphon funds from the PoK legislature and spend them in mainland Pakistan. Ostensibly for the benefit of the refugees. This is despite the refugees not contributing taxes to PoK.
PoK locals see this as unfair, because Pakistan had signed an agreement to take care of the refugees back in 1949. Also, since the 12 refugee candidates are backed by mainland Pakistani parties, they are seen as a backdoor means for Islamabad to control PoK. This is why PoK locals have regularly been demonstrating against the existing system, and why they are rallying behind the indigenous JAAC and its demands.
The JAAC took to the streets this year with their 38-point charter. They called for an indefinite shutdown across PoK in late September, until their demands were met. Like last year, they were met with violence. At least 10 people were killed in the resulting clashes. This includes 7 protesters and 3 security personnel. It is only after this bloodshed that Islamabad sought to sit down with the JAAC.
A high-level delegation was sent to Muzaffarabad, and they held negotiations with the JAAC leadership. Despite Islamabad’s reluctance to abolish the 12 refugee seats, finally, the JAAC got their way.
It has been two years of protests, ultimatums and violence in PoK. Islamabad has had to back down every time. But PoK’s grievances keep cropping up. And the underlying cause seems to be the region's lack of autonomy. Despite the independence it has on paper.